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[ISW] 러시아 공세 캠페인 평가, 2024년 7월 2일

by Summa posted Jul 03, 2024
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```html 주요 요점

주요 요점:

  • 차시브 야르, 토레츠크, 아브디이프카 방향에서 진행 중인 러시아의 공세 작전 사이의 상호 작용은 러시아 군 사령부가 토레츠크의 진격을 활용하여 차시브 야르 또는 아브디이프카 지역에서 진격할 작전적 기회를 창출하려는 의도를 가질 수 있음을 시사합니다. 여러 미래 분기 계획을 지원할 수 있는 러시아의 준비는 러시아 사령부가 2022년 초 이후 전쟁에서 지금까지 실행할 수 있는 것보다 더 발전된 수준의 작전 계획과 예지를 보여줍니다. 그러나 이 작전 계획이 실현될 수 있는 능력은 현재 이 지역에서 싸우고 있는 러시아군의 전반적으로 열악한 전술적 수준의 역량에 의해 제한될 것입니다.
  • 헝가리 총리 빅토르 오르반은 7월 1일 헝가리가 유럽연합(EU) 이사회 의장국에 가입한 후 7월 2일에 키이우를 깜짝 방문하여 평화 조정자로서의 입지를 다지려 했을 가능성이 크지만, 오르반의 노력으로 우크라이나에 견고한 평화가 찾아올 가능성은 매우 낮습니다.
  • 크렘린은 우크라이나가 러시아의 조건에 따라 러시아와 협상하도록 압박하는 강화된 정보 캠페인을 벌이고 있으며, 러시아, 서방 또는 기타 세력이 우크라이나가 러시아와 조기에 협상하도록 설득하려는 노력은 우크라이나를 약화시키고 우크라이나 내외에서 러시아의 추가 침략을 조장할 뿐입니다.
  • 러시아 국가 두마 의원 몇몇은 상당수의 민족을 러시아의 "동포" 재정착 프로그램에서 제외하는 법안을 제안하여 크렘린이 러시아의 노동력 부족을 해소하고 러시아인과 러시아어 사용 인구가 있는 다른 국가에 대한 잠재적인 하이브리드 작전을 정당화하기 위한 정보적 조건을 설정하기 위해 "해외 동포"를 활용하려는 노력을 훼손했습니다.
  • 우크라이나군은 7월 1일 점령된 크림반도에 있는 러시아군 기지의 탄약고를 공격했는데, 이곳에는 샤헤드 무인기가 보관되어 있었다고 합니다.
  • 러시아는 NATO 국가 근처의 수중 및 공중에서 정찰을 수행하고 통신을 방해하기 위한 노력을 강화하고 있을 수 있습니다.
  • 러시아 당국은 북코카서스 지역에서 이슬람 극단주의의 체계적 문제를 해결하는 대신 파이팅 클럽에 대한 단속과 니캅 제한에 공개적으로 집착하여 러시아 당국이 북코카서스 지역에서 테러 위협에 적절히 대처하고 있다는 신호를 보내고 있는 것으로 보입니다.
  • 블라디미르 푸틴 러시아 대통령은 7월 2일 키르기스스탄의 칸트에 있는 러시아 999 공군기지에 "대량 영웅주의와 용맹"에 대한 "경비대" 명예 칭호를 수여하는 법령에 서명했습니다.
  • 러시아군은 최근 보브찬스크, 차시브 야르, 아브디이프카, 도네츠크-자포리지아 주 경계 지역 근처에서 진격했습니다.
  • 러시아는 우크라이나에서 싸우기 위해 러시아 형무소에서 여성을 모집하고 있으며, 이러한 신병 중 일부는 최전선에서 싸우고 있다고 합니다.
``` ### 분류: 군사, 정치, 사회 ### 관련된 주요국가: 러시아, 우크라이나, 헝가리 ### 향후 전망: 러시아는 우크라이나에서 계속해서 공세를 이어갈 것으로 예상되며, 우크라이나는 러시아의 침략에 계속 저항할 것으로 예상됩니다. 러시아와 우크라이나 사이의 전쟁은 장기화될 것으로 예상되며, 이는 지역 및 세계 안보에 부정적인 영향을 미칠 것으로 예상됩니다.

[원문]

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Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment

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Nicole Wolkov, Christina Harward, Grace Mappes, Karolina Hird, and George Barros


July 2, 2024, 7:30pm ET

Click here to see ISW's interactive map of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This map is updated daily alongside the static maps present in this report.


Click here to see ISW’s 3D control-of-terrain topographic map of Ukraine. The use of a computer (not a mobile device) is strongly recommended for accessing this data-heavy tool.


Click here to access ISW’s archive of interactive time-lapse maps of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. These maps complement the static control-of-terrain maps that ISW produces daily by showing a dynamic frontline.

The interplay between ongoing Russian offensive operations in the Chasiv Yar, Toretsk, and Avdiivka directions indicates that the Russian military command may intend to leverage the ongoing Toretsk push to create operational opportunities for advances in either the Chasiv Yar or Avdiivka areas. Russian preparations that can support multiple future branch plans suggest a more developed level of operational planning and foresight than the Russian command has proven capable of executing thus far in the war since early 2022. The ability of this operational planning to come to fruition, however, will be bounded by the overall poor tactical-level capabilities of Russian forces currently fighting in these areas. Ukrainian Khortytsia Group of Forces Spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Nazar Voloshyn stated in an interview with Ukrainian outlet Suspilne Donbas on July 2 that Russian forces are beginning to storm Chasiv Yar from the Toretsk direction (south of Chasiv Yar) and have been attacking in the direction of Toretsk-Chasiv Yar using mainly small infantry groups and occasional mechanized assaults. Voloshyn's suggestion that Russian forces are trying to attack towards the southern flank of Chasiv Yar from the Toretsk area is noteworthy. If Russian forces are able to develop a larger salient in the general Shumy-Pivdenne-Pivniche-Toretsk area, then they may be able to more credibly threaten Chasiv Yar from the south, complementing ongoing offensive Russian efforts north of Chasiv Yar near Kalynivka. Russian forces have continued attacks in the area south and southeast of Chasiv Yar, particularly near Klishchiivka, Andriivka, and Kurdyumivka, suggesting that the Russian command remains interested, at least in principle, in maintaining access to the southern flank of the Chasiv Yar area. Recent Russian advances in Mayorske (east of Toretsk) affords Russian forces positions on the east (left) bank of the Siversky Donets-Donbas Canal, allowing them to advance towards Chasiv Yar from the south along one bank of the canal as opposed to trying to cross the canalizing terrain in northern and eastern Chasiv Yar.


Ukrainian military observer Kostyantyn Mashovets, however, linked Russian efforts in the Toretsk direction with efforts to break through to the Pokrovsk direction (also referred to as the Avdiivka direction or the area west/southwest of Toretsk). Mashovets noted on July 2 that Russian forces have intensified attacks on Toretsk in the past 24 hours and that the Russian Central Grouping of Forces (the command of which is also notably responsible for Russian troops attacking west of Avdiivka) has deployed additional battalions and assault companies near Toretsk to support ongoing offensive operations. Mashovets noted that operational factors in the Toretsk direction "are directly related" to the Avdiivka direction and assessed that Russian troops of the Central Grouping of Forces are trying to interdict Ukrainian positions along the H-32 Pokrovsk-Kostyantynivka road (a major Ukrainian ground line of communication [GLOC] that supplies Ukrainian forces in Toretsk).


Mashovets' and Voloshyn's separate observations on the prospects of Russian offensive operations near Toretsk reflect a noteworthy battlefield dynamic — the Russian command may have chosen to escalate offensive operations near Toretsk in mid-June exactly because this area offers Russian forces a flexible point of departure from which they can either attack north towards Chasiv Yar or west/southwest in the Avdiivka direction, depending on whatever route of attack the Russian command deems the most immediately promising. The apparent decision to attack near Toretsk emphasizes that the Russian command may be planning operations with more foresight and understanding of the operational situation than previously, when the Russian command pushed for incoherent offensive operations on unrelated parts of the front. The ability of the Russian command to actually bring these operational plans to bear, however, is contingent on the tactical-level performance of the troops in the Toretsk area and their ability to exploit tactical successes into operationally-significant breakthroughs. As ISW previously noted, the main Russian forces concentration in the Toretsk area is formed of lower-quality forces of the Donetsk People's Republic (DNR) and Territorial Troops, which will likely struggle to properly execute attacks, especially as Ukraine receives additional military aid over the coming weeks and months.


Key Takeaways:


  • The interplay between ongoing Russian offensive operations in the Chasiv Yar, Toretsk, and Avdiivka directions indicates that the Russian military command may intend to leverage the ongoing Toretsk push to create operational opportunities for advances in either the Chasiv Yar or Avdiivka areas. Russian preparations that can support multiple future branch plans suggest a more developed level of operational planning and foresight than the Russian command has proven capable of executing thus far in the war since early 2022. The ability of this operational planning to come to fruition, however, will be bounded by the overall poor tactical-level capabilities of Russian forces currently fighting in these areas.


  • Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban likely used his unannounced visit to Kyiv on July 2 to posture himself as a peacemaker following Hungary's accession to the European Union (EU) Council presidency on July 1, but Orban’s efforts are very unlikely to bring about any robust peace in Ukraine.


  • The Kremlin is waging an intensified information campaign aimed at pushing Ukraine to negotiate with Russia on Russian terms, and any Russian, Western, or other efforts to cajole Ukraine to prematurely negotiate with Russia would only weaken Ukraine and embolden further Russian aggression inside and beyond Ukraine.


  • Several Russian State Duma deputies proposed a bill that would exclude a significant number of ethnicities from Russia's "compatriots" resettlement program, undermining the Kremlin's efforts to leverage its "compatriots abroad" to offset Russian labor shortages and set informational conditions to justify potential hybrid operations against other countries with Russian and Russian-speaking populations.


  • Ukrainian forces struck an ammunition depot at a Russian military base in occupied Crimea on July 1 that reportedly housed Shahed drones.


  • Russia may be intensifying its efforts to conduct reconnaissance and disrupt communications in the underwater and air space near NATO states.


  • Russian authorities appear to be publicly fixating on crackdowns against fight clubs and restricting the niqab to signal that Russian authorities are adequately combatting terrorist threats in the North Caucasus instead of addressing systemic issues of Islamist extremism in the region.


  • Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a decree on July 2 assigning the Russian 999th Air Base in Kant, Kyrgyzstan the "guards" honorific for "mass heroism and bravery.


  • Russian forces recently advanced near Vovchansk, Chasiv Yar, Avdiivka, and the Donetsk-Zaporizhia Oblast border area.


  • Russia is reportedly recruiting women from Russian penal colonies to fight in Ukraine, and some of these recruits are reportedly fighting on the frontline.

Click here to read the full assessment.

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The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) is a non-partisan, non-profit, public policy research organization. ISW advances an informed understanding of military affairs through reliable research, trusted analysis, and innovative education. We are committed to improving the nation's ability to execute military operations and respond to emerging threats in order to achieve US strategic objectives.



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